Dan P. McAdams 著
郭永玉 主译
上海教育出版社
作者简介
麦克亚当斯（Dan P. McAdams）
美国西北大学心理学、人类发展与社会政策方向教授，弗利生命研究中心（Foley Center for the Study of Lives）主任。在西北大学获得很多教学荣誉，包括麦考密克（Charles Deering McCormick）教学卓越讲席教授等。撰写了150多篇论文和书稿章节，出版著作13部，研究主题包括亲密的本质、人类生活中的同一性、成人繁殖性的发展、美国人人生故事中的救赎等，还有一些主题涉及人格结构和发展过程，如个体的动机、心理的全程发展等。
中文版序言
欢迎《人格心理学：人的科学导论》(The person: An Introduction to the Science of Personality Psychology)的新读者！这本大学教科书的中文版为广大读者展现了人格心理学这一领域。我非常希望学生和老师喜欢这本书，无论你是学者还是普通读者，我都希望本书内容对你有所帮助。
In this new Preface, I am very happy to welcome new readers for The Person: An Introduction to the Science of Personality Psychology. The Chinese edition of this college textbook opens up the field of personality psychology to a broad new audience. For students and teachers alike, I very much hope you enjoy reading my book and that you find the material inside to be useful to you, both as a scholar and as a human being.
背景
你面前的这本书是《人格心理学：人的科学导论》第五版，于2009年在美国出版。不过，这本书的缘起可以追溯到20世纪80年代，当时我还是芝加哥罗耀拉大学(Loyola University Chicago)一名年轻的助理教授。那时，我想讲授人格心理学，但找不到一本符合自己观点的教科书。我认为，人格心理学应该是关于整体的人(the whole person)的科学研究。因此，人格心理学应该关注是什么使得某个特定的个体成为一个独一无二的人，个体又是如何区别于其他人的。
The Background
The book in front of you is the fifth edition of The Person, released in the United States in the year 2009. But the origins of the book go back to the 1980s, when I was a young assistant professor at Loyola University in Chicago. I wanted to teach a class in personality psychology at that time, but I could not find a textbook that corresponded to my own vision for what the field of personality psychology should be. My view was that personality psychology should be the scientific study of the whole person. As such, personality psychology should focus on what makes any particular person a unique human being, how one individual person is different from other persons.
20世纪80年代，人格领域的教科书往往采用两种不同的体系，但我对它们都不太感兴趣。其中，一种体系是对重要人格理论的历史回顾，每章介绍一位20世纪上半叶以来伟大的人格理论家(如弗洛伊德、荣格等)；另一种体系则以专题形式呈现，每章介绍一个研究领域。从历史或哲学的角度来看，前一种体系可能非常生动有趣，但未能介绍人格心理学领域的当前研究。后一种体系用碎片化的方式来解读人，未能将人作为一个整体来理解。
Back in the 1980s, however, textbooks on personality tended to come in one of two different forms, neither of which was very appealing to me. One version was the historical survey of grand personality theories, with each chapter devoted to one of the great theorists (like Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung) from the first half of the 20th century. The second version was organized topically, with each chapter devoted to a research domain. Books of the first type could be interesting from a historical or philosophical point of view, but they failed to address current research in the field of personality psychology. Books of the second type chopped the person up into pieces, failing to comprehend the person as an integrated whole.
因此，我决定自己写一本人格心理学教科书。然而，我很快就意识到这是一个疯狂的想法，因为需要学习和做的事情太多了——当时我非常忙碌，在罗耀拉大学要开展新的工作，在家里还要照顾两个刚出生的女儿。不过，我那时精力充沛，同事们也都很支持我，所以我成功地在3～4年里完成了本书的第一版，于1990年正式出版。第一版介绍了当时最前沿的思想和主题，这在人格心理学的本科教材中是史无前例的。例如，我用大量篇幅介绍了传记心理学、人格心理学个案研究的运用、人格研究的思想体系、特质论取向与情境论取向之间的争论、人格心理学的社会生物学和进化论取向、罗夏墨迹测验和主题统觉测验等投射测验的使用，关于“大五”人格特质、个人目标和奋斗的最新研究，以及关于人生故事和人生叙事的新兴学术研究。
Therefore, I decided to write a textbook myself. It was a crazy idea, as I would soon learn, for there was too much to learn and to do — and at that time in my life I was very busy, with my new job at Loyola University and my two new daughters at home. But I had lots of energy back in the 1980s, and support from my colleagues, so I managed to complete the first edition of the book in about 3 or 4 years. It was published in 1990. The first edition brought to the forefront ideas and topics that had never before appeared in an undergraduate personality textbook. For example, I devoted large sections to psychobiography, the use of case studies in personality psychology, the philosophy of personality research, the debate between trait approaches and situationist approaches to personality, sociobiology and evolutionary approaches to personality psychology, the use of projective assessments, like the Rorschach Inkblot Test and the Thematic Apperception Test, new research on “the Big Five” personality traits, new research on personal goals and strivings, and the emerging line of scholarship on life stories and narrative.
1990年，我提出可以从四种不同的甚至互相冲突的范式或视角来理解人格心理学。第一种视角将人看作心灵内部的奥秘(intrapsychic mystery)，激励我们发掘隐藏在日常生活表象背后的意义。第二种视角关注互动情节(interaction episodes)，将人格构想为生活中的一系列事件，其中内在倾向(如各种人格特质)与外部世界相互作用。第三种视角考察人际故事(interpersonal stories)，或者说是每个人为自己的生活创建叙事的方式，以及心理学家如何建构人生故事。第四种视角关注解释结构(interpretive structures)，即我认为的理解生命和世界的认知图式或框架。我当时认为，这四种视角都是独一无二的，而且彼此范畴清晰。你需要选择一种吸引你的视角，然后坚持。
In 1990, I believed that personality psychology could be viewed from four different and competing paradigms or perspectives. The first paradigm conceived of the person as an intrapsychic mystery, challenging us to find the hidden meanings behind the surface of every life. The second focused on what I called interaction episodes, conceiving of personality as a series of events in life within which internal dispositions, like traits, interact with the external world of situations. The third examined interpersonal stories, or the ways in which each person creates a narrative for his or her own life, and how psychologists create stories of persons. And the fourth approach examined interpretive structures, which I viewed as cognitive schemas or frames for making sense of life and the world. My belief at the time was that these four perspectives were each unique and incompatible with the others. You needed to choose which perspective appealed to you, and then stick with that perspective.
然而，后来我改变了这个观点。在接下来的二十年里，人格心理学在许多重要方面得到了发展，实证研究取得了新的突破，也出现了一些创造性的理论取向。我逐渐看到，人格心理学的不同视角如何真正融合为一个广泛的综合体。科学是不断积累、综合的，它旨在提供真实、有用的广泛解释。对于我观察到的四种不同视角，人格心理学这门学科能够提供一个思想空间来整合它们吗? 我在1990年时对此持怀疑态度，但后来我不再那么怀疑了。如今我相信，在这个关于人的广泛的模型中，很多人格理论和研究可以得到调和，我将它们呈现在本书第五版中，也就是你现在读到的版本。
I changed my mind, however. Over the next two decades, personality psychology evolved in many important ways, with new empirical breakthroughs and the development of many creative theoretical approaches. I began to see how the different approaches to personality psychology could indeed be reconciled into a broad synthesis. Science is cumulative and integrative, and it aims to provide a broad explanation that is true and useful. Back in 1990, I was skeptical about the idea that the science of personality psychology could provide an intellectual space to integrate the four different perspectives that I observed at the time. But I am no longer so skeptical. I now believe that much of what goes by the name of personality theory and research can be reconciled within the broad model of the person that I present in the current version of the textbook, the fifth edition, which you are reading today.
从一种广义的整合视角来理解整体的人，关键是要理解人格的层次(layers)。随着时间的推移，出现了人格的三个层次。人格的第一层次把人看作社会角色扮演者(social actor)。人类逐渐演变为在复杂的社会群体中生活，像演员一样在他人面前扮演自己的角色。我们每个人都以自己独特的风格扮演着自己的角色，这些风格差异体现了基本的人格特质，对此我在本书第4～6章进行描述。诸如外向性和尽责性等基本的人格特质，则勾勒出人的广义的心理轮廓。
The key to understanding the whole person from a broad integrative perspective is the idea of layers. There are three layers of personality, developing over time. The first layer forms the person as a social actor. Human beings evolved to live in complex social groups, as actors who perform our roles in the presence of each other. Each of us performs his or her roles with a unique style. Those differences in the actor’s style are captured in basic personality traits, of the sort I describe in Chapters 4-6 in this book. Basic dispositional traits, such as extraversion and conscientiousness, sketch a broad psychological outline of the person.
为了深入了解人格的细节，你需要将注意力转移到人格的第二层次，也就是将人看作自我激励代理人(motivated agent)。所谓生活中的“代理人”，是指个体制定计划并设定有价值的目标，然后努力实现这些计划和目标。这一层次关注人的意志、欲望、选择和展望等精神生活。作为自我激励代理人，我们着眼于未来，因为我们要实现长远目标。人格特质描述我们是如何互动的，动机和目标则告诉我们在生活中想要什么，以及为什么努力争取想要的，并避免不想要的。在第7～9章，我讲述了与此相关的理论和研究，并用“个性化适应”一词来指代人们在生命历程中发展出的许多不同种类的动机、目标和价值观。
In order to fill in the details, you need to move to the second layer, the person as a motivated agent. To be an “agent” in life is to make plans and to set valued goals, and then to strive to realize those plans and goals. The idea of motivated agency focuses the person on the inner life of will, desire, choice, and prospection. As motivated agents, we look to the future as we aim to accomplish long-term ends. Whereas our dispositional traits describe how we act with each other, our motives and goals tell us what we want in life and why we strive to get what we want, and to avoid what we do not want. In Chapters 7-9, I describe theory and research on persons as motivated agents, using the term “characteristic adaptations” to refer to the many different kinds of motives, goals, and values that persons develop over the human life course.
人格的第三层次将人看作自传作者(autobiographical author)。当进入青春期和青年期时，许多人会试图探索和构想更广阔的生命意义。精神分析理论家埃里克森(Erik Erikson)将这一过程称为对同一性(identity)的探索。人们开始问自己这样的问题：我是谁？我该如何融入成人世界？是什么为我的生命赋予了意义和方向？为了回答这些问题，人们为自己的生活创造了不同的故事，第10～12章对此进行了介绍。这里的核心思想是叙事同一性(narrative identity)，我将叙事同一性定义为关于自我的内化的、不断发展的故事，这种故事解释了人们如何成为独一无二的人，以及他们未来可能成为什么样的人。叙事同一性将个体有关自传式经历的选择性重构(记忆中作为一段故事的过往经历是怎样的)和对畅想未来的期待(畅想未来故事如何发展)联系起来。
The third layer of personality refers to the person as an autobiographical author. As we move into adolescence and young adulthood, many of us seek to discover or formulate a broad meaning for our lives. The great psychoanalytic theorist Erik Erikson described this process as the exploration of identity. We begin to ask ourselves questions like these: Who am I? How do I fit into the adult world? What gives my life meaning and purpose? In Chapters 10-12, I entertain the idea that people create stories for their lives in order to answer questions like these. The central idea here is narrative identity, which I define as the internalized and evolving stories of the self that people construct to explain how they have become the unique persons they are, and who they may be in the future. Your narrative identity combines your selective reconstruction of the autobiographical past (how you remember your life as a story) with the anticipation of an imagined future (how you imagine the story to develop in the future).
总之，人格是一种动态的结构，它包含：(1)人格特质(社会角色扮演者)；(2)独特的目标和价值观(自我激励代理人)；(3)综合的人生故事(自传作者)它随着时间的推移而发展，并根植于文化和历史。我们每个人都是特质、目标和人生故事的独特融合。
In sum, personality is a dynamic arrangement of (1) dispositional traits (the social actor), (2) characteristic goals and values (the motivated agent), and (3) integrative life stories (the autobiographical author), developing over time and situated in culture and history. Each of us is a unique amalgamation of traits, goals, and stories.
现在和未来
自本书第五版出版以来，人格心理学领域一直关注我在本书中提出的主题和挑战。有关基本人格特质(作为社会角色扮演者的人)的研究一直在蓬勃发展。在基本人格特质的个体差异方面，第6章讲述了来自遗传决定论的有力证据。毫无疑问，基因很重要，但环境也很重要。近年来，许多研究在努力探索环境对特质的影响。一些最有前景的研究探讨了成年早期标志性事件(如结婚、生育、获得工作等)对基本人格特质(如责任心、尽责性等)的发展可能产生的重要影响。特质研究者考察了这种情境效应，另一些研究者则深入大脑内部，考察人格的神经学基础。近年来，神经科学家开始重点关注特定脑回路以及多巴胺对外向性特质的作用。
The Present and the Future
Since the publication of the fifth edition of The Person, the field of personality psychology has continued to purse the topics and the challenges that I lay out in this book. Research on dispositional personality traits (the person as social actor) has continued to flourish. Chapter 6 sets forth the strong evidence for genetic determinism when it comes to individual differences in basic personality traits. There is little doubt that genes matter. But environments also matter, and research in recent years has redoubled the efforts to find environmental effects on traits. Some of the most promising studies examine how landmark developments in young adulthood — such as getting married, having children, attaining a job — may exert important influence in the development of basic traits such as conscientiousness and agreeableness. While some trait researchers have examined situational effects, others have looked inside the brain to discover the neurological underpinnings of personality. In recent years, neuroscientists have focused a great deal of attention on the role of particular brain circuits and the role of the chemical dopamine in the functioning of extraversion.
在过去的十几年里，人生故事领域(作为自传作者的人)也取得了大量研究成果。人格心理学家对人们为了理解自己的生活而建构的叙事产生新的兴趣。这一系列研究倾向于将文化主题纳入讨论。每种文化都有自己的民间故事、历史逸事、宗教神话，以及渗透在流行话语中的思想和主题，它们表明了一个出色的或有价值的人生叙事的情节、主题、人物和形象应该是怎样的。我们每个人都借助文化来塑造自己的自我同一性。例如，有理论认为，在个人主义的文化规范(传统上与北美和某些欧洲社会相关)下建立起来的自我同一性，会鼓励个体在生活中培养自主性和独立性，并在生活的痛苦中找到救赎的意义。相比之下，在集体主义的文化规范(传统上与中国、日本和韩国等东亚社会相关)下建立起来的自我同一性，则会鼓励个体在自我发展中重视社会团结与和谐，并坚持渡过与生活相伴的不可避免的苦难。此外，与人格特质一样，神经科学家也开始关注人生故事，并对一些脑区进行探索，这些脑区经常参与加工与自我相关的信息，并参与建构与自我相关的故事。
A great deal of research has also appeared, over the past decade, in the area of life stories (the person as autobiographical author). Personality psychologists have developed a newfound fascination with the narratives that people construct to make sense of their lives. This line of research tends to bring the topic of culture into the conversation. Every culture has its own repository of folk tales, historical anecdotes, religious myths, ideas and motifs in popular discourse, and other stories to suggest what the favored plots, themes, characters, and images of a good or worthy life narrative should be. Each of us draws upon culture in fashioning our own narrative identities. To take one broad example, theory suggests that creating a narrative identity under the cultural norms of individualism (traditionally associated with North American and certain European societies) may encourage a person to celebrate autonomy and independence in life, and to find redemptive meaning in life’s suffering. By contrast, creating a narrative identity under the cultural norms of collectivism (traditionally associated with East Asian societies, such as China, Japan, and Korea) may encourage a person to affirm social solidarity and harmony in the development of self, and to persevere through the inevitable suffering that accompanies a human life. In addition, as with dispositional traits, neuroscientists have also begun to focus attention on life stories, examining the areas of the brain that are routinely involved in processing information about the self and telling self-related stories.
如果要写新的版本(第六版)，我会进一步详细阐述上文提到的社会角色扮演者／自我激励代理人／自传作者这一框架。现在我坚信，这一框架蕴含着清晰的人格发展顺序(McAdams, 2013, 2015; McAdams & Olson, 2010; McAdams,Shiner, & Tackett, 2018)。
If I were to write a new (sixth) edition of The Person, I would further elaborate on the actor/agent/author framework that I have described above. It is now my strong conviction that the framework implies a clear developmental sequence for personality (McAdams, 2013, 2015; McAdams & Olson, 2010; McAdams, Shiner, & Tackett, 2018).
特质是最先开始发展的。当婴儿1个月大时，你可以观察到基本气质倾向的一致性差异，这种差异在一生中会不断变化，最终形成成熟的人格特质。接着，我们作为新生的社会角色扮演者进入这个世界。在童年时期，我们成长为自我激励代理人。在3～9岁，儿童发展出建构目标和价值观所需的认知和心理基础。在十几岁和二十几岁时，伴随大脑的进一步发育和社会环境的变化，作为自传作者的自我出现了。可见，在个体成长的过程中，人格变得更加复杂(thicken)。我们从人格的第一层次(即社会角色扮演者)开始；随着这一层次的发展，增加了人格的第二层次(即自我激励代理人)，最终增加了人格的第三层次(即自传作者)。作为成年人，我们拥有人格的这三个层次：按照符合自己人格特质的方式扮演社会角色；作为自我激励代理人，我们坚持不懈地努力实现有价值的目标，并着眼于未来；我们在脑海中建构故事来理解这一切，解释我们为什么做所做的事情，追求哪些目标，以人生叙事的方式理解记忆中的过去、经验丰富的当下和畅想的未来。
Traits begin to develop first. By the time an infant is one month of age, you can observe consistent differences in basic temperament dispositions, which will morph over the lifetime into full-fledged personality traits. We enter the world as newborn social actors. In childhood, we become motivated agents, too. Between the ages of about 3 and 9 years, children develop the cognitive and psychological infrastructure needed to formulate goals and values. Further brain development and changing social arrangements usher in the autobiographical author in our teens and 20s. Personality, therefore, thickens over developmental time. We start out with one layer — the social actor. As that layer continues to develop, we add a second — the motivated agent. Eventually, we add a third, as well — the autobiographical author. As adults, we have all three layers: We perform our social roles in accord with our dispositional personality traits; we continue to strive for valued goals, orienting toward the future with a motivational agenda; and we create stories in our minds to make sense of it all, to explain why we do what we do and strive to achieve what we strive to achieve, making narrative sense of our remembered past, experienced present, and imagined future.
中国读者
你们是这本书中文版的第一批读者。我很想知道你们对这本书有什么看法。在撰写本书时，我依据的主要是来自北美(如美国、加拿大)和欧洲的人格心理学理论和研究。作为一个美国人，我自己的文化背景无疑会影响我对人类人格的构想。因此，我很确定本书流露出许多文化差异，其中一些你可能很容易识别。不过，我确实阅读了大量关于人格跨文化研究的文献。本书第3章和第10章的部分内容对此有明确阐述。
A Chinese Audience
You are the first Chinese readers for this book. I will be interested to learn what your responses to the book are. I have drawn mainly from research and theory in personality psychology that has been done in the United States, Canada, and Europe, for the most part. As an American, my own cultural perspective surely impacts how I conceive of human personality. I am quite certain, therefore, that the book reveals many Western biases, some of which you may be in a good position to identify. I do, however, try to read as much as I can on the cross-cultural study of personality. An explicit emphasis on culture can be found in Chapter 3 of the book, and in parts of Chapter 10.
跨文化人格研究的一个核心问题是：人格的哪些特征具有普适性? 哪些特征在很大程度上由文化塑造? 当然，这个问题过于简单化了，因为人格的每个特征都可能与文化有某种关系，毕竟，人类不断进化并创造了文化。我们生活在文化之中，因此，如果完全脱离文化的影响，对人类心理任何方面的构想就几乎没有意义了。尽管如此，在某种程度和方式上，人格和文化既相互联系又相互区别。例如，研究表明，在许多不同的社会中，人们倾向于用少数几个宽泛的类别解释人格特质(一般是五个左右)。基于此，一些人格心理学家认为，这些基本的特质类型(通常被称为“大五”)是人性的普遍特征。在经典的结构中，“大五”包含：(1)外向性；(2)神经质；(3)随和性；(4)尽责性；(5)开放性。尽管在不同文化中，每种特质都以不同的方式呈现，但大多数文化仍然表现出这五种特质。也就是说，在全球范围内的许多社会中，“大五”人格特质(或它们的变体)都被表达为有意义的个体差异。在这种情况下，你可能会说，在决定不同社会中呈现的特质类型时，文化差异的影响并不是很强。
A major question in the study of personality across cultures is this: What features of personality are universal and what features are, instead, shaped strongly by culture? The question is oversimplified, of course, because it is probably true that every feature of a personality has some relation to culture. After all, human beings evolved to create culture; we live amidst culture, and therefore it probably makes little sense to conceive of any aspect of human psychology that is absolutely devoid of cultural impact. Still, there may be differences in the extent to which, and the ways in which, personality and culture interrelate. For example, research in many different societies has shown that people tend to construe personality dispositions within a small number of broad categories, typically five or so. For that reason, a number of personality psychologists have concluded that these basic categories for traits — often called the Big Five — are a universal feature of human nature. In the most popular framework, the Big Five breaks down into (1) extraversion, (2) neuroticism, (3) conscientiousness, (4) agreeableness, and (5) openness to experience. While it may be the case that each of these traits is displayed in a different way depending on culture, most cultures still exhibit these five traits — that is these five, or variations on them, tend to be expressed as meaningful individual differences in many societies around the globe. In this case, you might say that cultural differences are not especially strong in determining the kinds of traits that appear in different societies.
相比之下，目标、价值观(作为自我激励代理人)和人生叙事(作为自传作者)似乎会更强烈、更深刻地受到文化差异的影响。前面我已经提到集体主义和个人主义文化导致的一般差异。大量人格研究表明，在人们的独特目标和价值观层面，这些差异表现得尤为突出。在个人主义社会，自主性的自我表现可能被视为一种很有价值的目标；在集体主义社会，社会团结与人际和谐则可能更受重视。值得注意的是，太过宽泛地阐述这些文化差异其实是不利的。集体主义社会和个人主义社会都会提倡以上两种价值观和目标，但由于文化的作用，上述两种价值观和目标的广泛差异仍然会以细微而显著的人格差异表现出来。
By contrast, human goals and values (the person as motivated agent) and life narratives (the person as autobiographical author) would appear to be more strongly and deeply contoured by cultural differences. I have already mentioned the common distinction made between individualist and collectivist cultures. A great deal of research in personality suggests that these differences play out especially prominently at the level of people’s characteristic goals and values. Whereas autonomous self-expression might be an especially valued goal in an individualistic society like the United States, collectivist societies (like China) may emphasize values like social solidarity and interpersonal harmony. There is a danger here in painting these differences in strokes that are too broad. Both collectivist and individualist societies promote both sets of values and goals; but the broad differences between the two many still show up in slight but significant personality differences as a function of culture.
文化对人生叙事的影响可能最为强烈。在《救赎自己：美国人的人生故事》(The Redemptive Self: Stories Americans Live By, 2006)一书中，我将心理学研究与历史及文化分析结合起来，认为美国人特别欣赏救赎自己的人生故事。在这些人生故事中，主人公忍受着苦难，但最终凭借新的洞见和积极正向的结果摆脱了苦难。在美国社会中，有许多文化模式可以用于维持一个高度救赎的人生故事——这些文化模式根植于美国的历史、政治、文学、电影和流行文化。其他社会可能也会重视我在书中提到的这种救赎故事，但在一些重要的人生故事中，不同文化之间可能存在很大差异。考虑到这一点，你可能想问自己：我所在的社会中最有价值的故事是什么? 围绕那些故事，我熟悉的人是如何努力塑造自己的生活的?
The effect of culture may be strongest on life narratives. In my book, The Redemptive Self: Stories Americans Live By (2006), I brought together psychological research with historical and cultural analyses to argue that Americans tend to admire strongly redemptive life stories — that is, stories in which the protagonist endures suffering but emerges from the pain with new insights and positive outcomes. In American society, there are many cultural models for living a highly redemptive life story — models that are rooted in American history, politics, literature, cinema, and popular culture. Other societies may also value the kinds of redemptive stories I described in that book, but there is probably a great deal of variation in valued narratives from one culture to the next. With this in mind, you might want to ask yourself: What are the most valued stories in my society? In what ways do people I know try to model their own lives around those narratives?
世界正在变小，这可能是一件好事。在越来越频繁的贸易和旅行中，移民和国际交流日益增加，来自不同社会和文化的人越来越多地互相了解。本书在美国主要针对美国学生编写，如今翻译成中文，这也体现了一个正在缩小的、互联互通的世界。本着这种精神，在这本来自世界另一端的有关人格的教科书中，希望你能有所收获！
The world is shrinking — and this can be a good thing. With increased trade and travel, with immigration and intercontinental communication, people from different societies and cultures are learning more and more about each other. The fact that this book, written in the United States mainly for American students, is now translated into your language is a testament to a shrinking and more deeply interconnected world. In that spirit, I hope that you find something useful in what I have to offer, coming to you from the other side of the globe.
麦克亚当斯(Dan P. McAdams)
伊利诺伊州芝加哥
2018年8月8日
参考文献
McAdams, D. P. (1990). The person: An introduction to personality psychology. San Diego, CA：Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
McAdams, D. P. (2006/2013). The redemptive self：Stories Americans live by. New York: Oxford University Press.
McAdams, D. P. (2013). The psychological self as actor, agent, and author. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 8, 272—295.
McAdams, D. P. (2015). The art and science of personality development. New York：Guilford Press.
McAdams, D. P., & Olson, B. D. (2010). Personality development: Continuity and change. In S. Fiske, D. Schacter, and R. Sternberg (Eds.), Annual Review of Psychology (Vol. 61, pp. 517—542). Palo Alto, CA：Annual Reviews, Inc.
McAdams, D. P., Shiner, R. L., & Tackett, J. (Eds.). (2018). Handbook of personality development. New York：Guilford Press.
编辑 | 人格与社会课题组 黄传斌
