乔治·华盛顿（George Washington，1732年2月22日-1799年12月14日）

按：乔治·华盛顿是美国第一任总统，是一位卓越的军事领袖和政治家，他的影响力不仅仅限于他指挥美国的独立战争并取得胜利，还包括他任职总统期间所体现出的高度智慧和领导力。1796年9月，也就是在他第二个总统任期结束前的六个月，华盛顿向一份独立的报纸《美国广告日报》（American Daily Advertiser）提交了一篇约6000字的告别演说稿，他称这篇“致美国人民”的稿件为“临别朋友的警言”。到了第二年华盛顿辞去总统职位返回故里并开始做一个普通公民的时候，这篇演讲已被当时的100多家报纸转载。   

尽管乔治·华盛顿生前从未在公开场合做过这次演讲，但两个多世纪以来，这篇告别演说已成为历史上最受欢迎的演说之一。学生们在学校里朗读它; 爱国者们背诵其中的内容；每年为了纪念华盛顿的生日，美国参议院的两党人士都会轮流朗读这篇演说。这篇告别演说被认为是美国历史上最著名的演讲稿之一，对美国政治体系做了深刻的反思并为美国人民提出了中肯的建议。

戎马一生的华盛顿并不擅长撰写演讲稿，也不喜欢发表演说。在这一点上，他和其他政治领袖们有所不同，后者往往通过演讲来表达他们的政治立场和愿景。华盛顿是个行动派，他通过自己的领导力和行动力来展示他的信仰和原则。确实，华盛顿告别演说的初稿是由他的得力助手亚历山大·汉密尔顿和詹姆斯·麦迪逊根据他的想法起草的，后经他本人对文稿进行反复审阅和修改才最后定稿，突出了一些重要的原则和建议，以确保表述了他的真实意愿和信念。

华盛顿在告别演说中试图说服美国人民，国家已不再需要他继续当总统来为国服务。他再次重申在首次就职演说中说过的话：他从来都不认为自己真正具备担任总统的资格。他说，如果他在总统任期内取得了一些成就，那是美国人民为帮助国家生存、繁荣而提供支持和努力的结果。尽管华盛顿相信国家在没有他的领导下也能生存，但他还是在信中用大部分篇幅作为“临别朋友”就他认为对国家最大的威胁提出了一系列建议。

这些建议所涉及的议题包括：团结统一与地方主义，宪法与政治派别，政治党派，分权制衡，宗教、道德与教育，信用与政府借贷，对外关系与自由贸易等等。乔治·华盛顿无法预测未来，但半个世纪的公共服务让他有足够的智慧写下一份令人赞叹的超时代的文稿。他主张避免卷入长期的外交纠葛，并强调国家的独立性和谨慎性。他最担心的是党派之争和独裁统治者上台。他呼吁团结、超越地区和党派的分歧，以追求国家的共同利益。这些原则和建议在华盛顿的告别演说中体现了他对美国的深刻关切以及对未来的愿景。他的告别演说不仅仅是一篇历史性的演讲，更是一份饱含智慧和启示的政治遗产。这份演讲对后来的美国政治和治国方略产生了深远影响。它时刻提醒着美国人民保持团结、追求国家利益、避免党派斗争，并谨慎处理外交事务。正是这些原则和智慧让美国走向了今天的繁荣和强大。   

1799年，即在发表《告别辞》后的第三年，乔治·华盛顿因病离世，享寿67岁。同年清朝乾隆去世，和珅亡狱，嘉庆正式全权执政，清朝步入中后期。

华盛顿的告别演说的第一页（美国国会图书馆）

各位朋友和同胞：

我们重新选举一位公民来主持美国政府的行政工作，已为期不远。此时此刻，大家必须运用思想来考虑把这一重任付托给谁。因此，我觉得我现在应当向大家声明，尤其因为这样做有助于使公众意见获得更为明确的表达，那就是我已下定决心，谢绝将我列为候选人。

关于我最初负起这个艰巨职责时的感想，我已经在适当的场合说过了。现在辞掉这一职责时，我要说的仅仅是，我已诚心诚意地为这个政府的组织和行政，贡献了我这个判断力不足的人的最大力量。就任之初，我并非不知我的能力薄弱，而且我自己的经历更使我缺乏自信，这在别人看来，恐怕更是如此。年事日增，使我越来越认为，退休是必要的，而且是会受欢迎的。我确信，如果有任何情况促使我的服务具有特别价值，那种情况也只是暂时的；所以我相信，按照我的选择并经慎重考虑，我应当退出政坛，而且，爱国心也容许我这样做，这是我引以为慰的。

讲到这里，我似乎应当结束讲话。但我对你们幸福的关切，虽于九泉之下也难以割舍。由于关切，自然对威胁你们幸福的危险忧心忡忡。这种心情，促使我在今天这样的场合，提出一些看法供你们严肃思考，并建议你们经常重温。这是我深思熟虑和仔细观察的结论，而且在我看来，对整个民族的永久幸福有着十分重要的意义。

你们的心弦与自由丝丝相扣，因此用不着我来增强或坚定你们对自由的热爱。

政府的统一，使大家结成一个民族，现在这种统一也为你们所珍视。这是理所当然的，因为你们真正的独立，仿佛一座大厦，而政府的统一，乃是这座大厦的主要柱石；它支持你们国内的安定，国外的和平；支持你们的安全，你们的繁荣以及你们如此重视的真正自由。然而不难预见，会有某些力量试图削弱大家心里对于这种真理的信念，这些力量的起因不一，来源各异，但均将煞费苦心，千方百计地产生作用；其所以如此，乃因统一是你们政治堡垒中一个重点，内外敌人的炮火，会最持续不断地和加紧地（虽然常是秘密地与阴险地）进行轰击。因此，最重要的乃是大家应当正确估计这个民族团结对于集体和个人幸福所具有的重大价值；大家应当对它抱着诚挚的、经常的和坚定不移的忠心；你们在思想和言语中要习惯于把它当作大家政治安全和繁荣的保障；要小心翼翼地守护它。如果有人提到这种信念在某种情况下可以抛弃，即使那只是猜想，也不应当表示支持。如果有人企图使我国的一部分脱离其余部分，或想削弱现在联系各部分的神圣纽带，在其最初出现时，就应当严加指责。

对于此点，你们有种种理由加以同情和关怀。既然你们因出生或归化而成为同一国家的公民，这个国家就有权集中你们的情感。美国人这个名称来自你们的国民身份，它是属于你们的；这个名号，一定会经常提高你们爱国的光荣感，远胜任何地方性的名称。在你们之间，除了极细微的差别外，有相同的宗教、礼仪、习俗与政治原则。你们曾为同一目标而共同奋斗，并且共同获得胜利。你们所得到的独立和自由，乃是你们群策群力，同甘苦，共患难的成果。

尽管这些理由是多么强烈地激发了你们的感情，但终究远不及那些对你们有更直接利害关系的理由。全国各地都可以看到强烈的愿望，要求精心维护和保持联邦制。

北方在与受同一政府的平等法律保护的南方自由交往中，发现南方的产品为航海业和商业提供了极其丰富的资源，为制造业提供了十分宝贵的原料。与此相同，南方在与北方交往时，也从北方所起的作用中获益不浅，农业得到了发展，商业得到了扩大。南方将部分北方海员转入自己的航道，使南方的航运业兴旺了起来。尽管南方在各方面都对全国航运业的繁荣和发展有所贡献，但它期望得到海上力量的保护，目前它的海上力量相对说来太薄弱了。东部在与西部进行类似的交往中，发现西部是东部自国外输入商品和在国内制造的商品的重要通道，而这个通道将随着内地水陆交通的不断改善而日趋重要。西部则从东部得到发展和改善生活所必不可少的物资供应；也许更重要的是，西部要确保其产品出口的必要渠道，必须靠联邦的大西洋一侧的势力、影响和未来的海上力量，而这需要把东西部看成一个国家，有着不可分割的利害关系。西部如要靠其他任何方式来保持这种重要的优越地位，无论是单靠自己一方的力量，或是靠与外国建立背叛原则和不正常的关系，从本质上来看都是不牢靠的。

由此可见，我国各部分都从联合一致中感觉到直接的和特殊的好处，而把所有各部分联合在一起，人们会从手段和力量之大规模结合中，找到更大力量和更多资源，在抵御外患方面将相应地更为安全，而外国对它们和平的破坏也会减少。具有无可估量的价值的是，联合一致必然会防止它们自身之间发生战争。这种战争不断地折磨着相互邻接的国家，因为没有同一的政府把它们联成一气。这种战事，仅由于它们彼此之间的互相竞争，即可发生，如果与外国有同盟、依附和阴谋串通的关系，则更会进一步激发和加剧这种对抗。因此，同样地，它们可以避免过分发展军事力量，这种军事力量，在任何形式的政府之下，都是对自由不利的，而对共和国的自由，则应视为尤具敌意。就这个意义而言，应把你们的联合一致看作是你们自由的支柱，如果你们珍惜其中一个，也就应当保存另一个。

你们是否怀疑一个共同的政府能够管辖这么大的范围？把这个问题留待经验来解决吧。对付这样一个问题单纯听信猜测是错误的。在这种情况下，非常值得进行一次公平和全面的实验。要求全国各地组成联邦的愿望是如此强烈和明显，因此，在实践尚未表明联邦制行不通时，试图在任何方面削弱联邦纽带的人，我们总是有理由怀疑他们的爱国心的。

在研究那些可能扰乱我们联邦的种种原因时，使人想到一件至关重要的事，那就是以地域差别——北方与南方、大西洋与西部——为根据来建立各种党派；因为那些心怀不轨的人可能力图借此造成一种信念，以为地方间真的存在着利益和观点的差异。一个党派想在某些地区赢得影响力而采取的策略之一，是歪曲其他地区的观点和目标。这种歪曲引起的妒忌和不满，是防不胜防的；使那些本应亲如兄弟的人变得互不相容。

为了使你们的联合保持效力和持久，一个代表全体的政府是不可少的。各地区结成联盟，不论怎样严密，都不能充分代替这样的政府。这种联盟一定会经历古往今来所有联盟的遭遇，即背约和中断。由于明白这个重要的事实，所以大家把最初的文件加以改进，通过了一部胜过从前的政府宪法（1787年制宪会议），以期密切联合，更有效地管理大家的共同事务。这个政府，是我们自己选择的，不曾受人影响，不曾受人威胁，是经过全盘研究和缜密考虑而建立的，它的原则和它的权力的分配，是完全自由的，它把安全和力量结合起来，而其本身则包含着修正其自身的规定。这样一个政府有充分理由要求你们的信任和支持。尊重它的权力，服从它的法律，遵守它的措施，这些都是真正自由的基本准则所责成的义务。我们政府体制的基础，乃是人民有权制定和变更他们政府的宪法。可是宪法在经全民采取明确和正式的行动加以修改以前，任何人对之都负有神圣的义务。人民有建立政府的权力与权利，这一观念乃是以每人有责任服从所建立的政府为前提的。

要保存你们的政府，要永久维持你们现在的幸福状态，你们不仅不应支持那些不时发生的跟公认的政府权力相敌对的行为，而且对那种要改革政府原则的风气，即使其借口似若有理，亦应予以谨慎的抵制。他们进攻的方法之一，可能是采取改变宪法的形式，以损害这种体制的活力，从而把不能直接推翻的东西，暗中加以破坏。在你们可能被邀参与的所有变革中，你们应当记住，要确定政府的真正性质，正如确定人类其他体制一样，时间和习惯至少是同样重要的；应当记住，要检验一国现存政体的真正趋势，经验是最可靠的标准；应当记住，仅凭假设和意见便轻易变更，将因假设和意见之无穷变化而招致无穷的变更；还要特别记住，在我们这样辽阔的国度里，要想有效地管理大家的共同利益，一个活力充沛的、并且能充分保障自由的政府是必不可少的。在这样一个权力得到适当分配和调节的政府里，自由本身将会从中找到它最可靠的保护者。如果一个政府力量过弱，经不住朋党派系之争，不能使社会每一分子守法，不能维持全体人民安全而平静地享受其人身和财产权利，那么，这个政府只是徒有虚名而已。

我已经提醒你们，在美国存在着党派分立的危险，并特别提到按地域差别来分立党派的危险。现在让我从更全面的角度，以最严肃的态度概略地告诫你们警惕党派思想的恶劣影响。

不幸的是，这种思想与我们的本性是不可分割的，并扎根于人类脑海里最强烈的欲望之中。它以各种不同的形式存在于所有政府机构里，尽管多少受到抑制、控制或约束。但那些常见的党派思想的形式，往往是最令人讨厌的，并且确实是政府最危险的敌人。

它往往干扰公众会议的进行，并削弱行政管理能力。它在民众中引起无根据的猜忌和莫须有的惊恐；挑拨派系对立；有时还扇起骚动和叛乱。它为外国影响和腐蚀打开方便之门。外国影响和腐蚀可以轻易地通过派系倾向的渠道深入到政府机构中来。这样，一个国家的政策和意志就会受到另一个国家政策和意志的影响。

有一种意见，认为自由国家中的政党，是对政府施政的有效牵制，有助于发扬自由精神。在某种限度内，这大概是对的；在君主制的政府下，人民基于爱国心，对于政党精神即使不加袒护，亦会颇为宽容。但在民主性质的纯属选任的政府下，这种精神是不应予以鼓励的。从其自然趋势看来，可以肯定，在每一种有益的目标上，总是不乏这种精神的。但这种精神常有趋于过度的危险，因此应当用舆论的力量使之减轻及缓和。它是一团火，我们不要熄灭它，但要一致警惕，以防它火焰大发，变成不是供人取暖，而是贻害于人。

还有一项同样重要的事，就是一个自由国家的思想习惯，应当做到使那些负责行政的人保持警惕，把各自的权力局限于宪法规定的范围内，在行使一个部门的权力时，应避免侵犯别一个部门的权限。这种越权精神倾向于把所有各部门的权力集中于某一部门，因而造成一种真正的专制主义，姑不论其政府的形式如何。

如果民意认为，宪法上的权限之分配或修改，在某方面是不对的，我们应当照宪法所规定的办法予以修改。但我们不可用篡权的方式予以更改；因为这种方法，可能在某一件事上是有效的手段，但自由政府也常会被这种手段毁灭。所以使用这种方法，有时虽然可以得到局部的或一时的好处，但此例一开，一定抵不过它所引起的永久性危害的。

在导致昌明政治的各种精神意识和风俗习惯中，宗教和道德是不可缺少的支柱。一个竭力破坏人类幸福的伟大支柱——人类与公民职责的最坚强支柱——的人，却妄想别人赞他爱国，必然是白费心机的。政治家应当同虔诚的人一样，尊敬和爱护宗教与道德。宗教与道德同个人福利以及公共福利的关系，即使写一本书也说不完。我们只要简单地问，如果宗教责任感不存在于法院赖以调查事件的宣誓中，那么，哪能谈得上财产、名誉和生命的安全呢？而且我们也不可耽于幻想，以为道德可不靠宗教而维持下去。高尚的教育，对于特殊构造的心灵，尽管可能有所影响，但根据理智和经验，不容许我们期望，在排除宗教原则的情况下，道德观念仍能普遍存在。

有一句话大体上是不错的，那就是：道德是民意所归的政府所必需的原动力。这条准则可或多或少地适用于每一种类型的自由政府。凡是自由政府的忠实朋友，对于足以动摇它组织基础的企图，谁能熟视无睹呢？因此，请大家把普遍传播知识的机构当作最重要的目标来加以充实提高。政府组织给舆论以力量，舆论也应相应地表现得更有见地，这是很重要的。

我们应当珍视国家的财力，因为这是力量和安全的极为重要的源泉。保存财力的办法之一是尽量少动用它，并维护和平以避免意外开支；但也要记住，为了防患于未然而及时拨款，往往可以避免支付更大的款项来消弭灾祸。同样，我们要避免债台高筑，为此，不仅要节约开支，而且在和平时期还要尽力去偿还不可避免的战争所带来的债务，不要将我们自己应该承受的负担无情地留给后代。

位于美国弗吉尼亚州弗农山庄（Mount Vernon）的华盛顿家族墓园。在告别演说发表三年后的1799年，乔治·华盛顿在家乡去世。（维基图库，Tim Evanston摄影）

我们要对所有国家遵守信约和正义，同所有国家促进和平与和睦。宗教和道德要求我们这样做，难道明智的政策不是一样要求这样做吗？如果我们能够成为一个总是遵奉崇高的正义和仁爱精神的民族，为人类树立高尚而崭新的典范，那我们便不愧为一个自由的、开明的，而且会在不久的将来变得伟大的国家。如果我们始终如一地坚持这种方针，可能会损失一些暂时的利益，但是谁会怀疑，随着时间的推移和事物的变迁，收获将远远超过损失呢？难道苍天没有将一个民族的永久幸福和它的品德联系在一起吗？至少，每一种使人性变得崇高的情操都甘愿接受这种考验的。万一考验失败，这是否由人的恶行造成的呢？

在实行这种方针时，最要紧的，乃是不要对某些国家抱着永久而固执的厌恶心理，而对另一些国家则热爱不已；应当对所有国家都培养公正而友善的感情。一个国家，如果习于对其他国家恶此喜彼，这个国家便会在某种程度上沦为奴隶：或为敌意的奴隶，或为友情的奴隶，随便哪一种都足以将它引离自己的责任和自己的利益。一国对于另一国心存厌恶，两国便更易于彼此侮辱和互相伤害，更易于因小故而记恨，并且在发生偶然或细琐的争执时，也易于变得骄狂不羁和难以理喻。

一国对他国怀着热烈的喜爱，也一样能产生种种弊端。由于对所喜爱的国家抱同情，遂幻想彼此有共同的利益，实则所谓共同利益仅是想象的，而非真实的；再者，把他国的仇恨也灌注给自己，结果当他国与别国发生争执或战争，自己也会在没有充分原因和理由的情况下陷身其中。此外，还会把不给与他国的特权给与所喜爱的国家；于是，这个作出让步的国家，便会蒙受双重损害，一是无端损失本身应当保留的利益，一是激起未曾得到这种利益的国家的嫉妒、恶感和报复心理；这给那些有野心的、腐化的或受蒙蔽的公民（他们投靠自己所喜爱的国家）提供了方便，使他们在背叛或牺牲自己国家的利益时不但不遭人憎恨，有时甚至还受到欢迎，并把由于野心、腐化或糊涂而卑鄙愚蠢地屈服的人粉饰成有正直的责任感、顺乎民意、或是热心公益而值得赞扬的人。

一个自由民族应当经常警觉，提防外国势力的阴谋诡计（同胞们，我恳求你们相信我），因为历史和经验证明，外国势力乃是共和政府最致命的敌人之一。不过这种提防，要想做到有效，必须不偏不倚，否则它会成为我们所要摆脱的势力的工具，而不是抵御那种势力的工事。对某国过度偏爱，对另外一个过度偏恶，会使受到这种影响的国家只看到一方面的危险，却掩盖甚至纵容另一方所施的诡计。当我们所喜欢的那个国家的爪牙和受他们蒙蔽的人，利用人民的赞赏和信任，诱骗人民放弃本身的利益时，那些可能抵制该国诡计的真正爱国志士，反而极易成为怀疑与憎恶的对象。

我们处理外国事务的最重要原则，就是在与它们发展商务关系时，尽量避免涉及政治。我们已订的条约，必须忠实履行。但以此为限，不再增加。

欧洲有一套基本利益，它对于我们毫无或甚少关系。欧洲经常发生争执，其原因基本上与我们毫不相干。所以，如果我们卷进欧洲事务，与他们的政治兴衰人为地联系在一起，或与他们友好而结成同盟，或与他们敌对而发生冲突，都是不明智的。

我国独处一方，远离他国，这种地理位置允许并促使我们奉行一条不同的政策路线。如果我们在一个称职的政府领导下保持团结，在不久的将来，我们就可以不怕外来干扰造成的物质破坏；我们就可以采取一种姿态，使我们在任何时候决心保持中立时，都可得到他国严正的尊重；好战国家不能从我们这里获得好处时，也不敢轻易冒险向我们挑衅；我们可以在正义的指引下依照自己的利益，在和战问题上作出抉择。我们为什么要摒弃这种特殊环境带来的优越条件呢？为什么要放弃我们自己的立场而站到外国的立场上去呢？为什么要把我们的命运同欧洲任何一部分的命运交织一起，以致把我们的和平与繁荣，陷入欧洲的野心、竞争、利益关系、古怪念头，或反复无常的罗网之中呢？

我们真正的政策，乃是避免同任何外国订立永久的同盟，我的意思是我们现在可自由处理这种问题；但请不要误会，以为我赞成不履行现有的条约。我认为，诚实是最好的政策，这句格言不仅适用于私事，亦适用于公务。所以我再重复说一句，那些条约应按其原意加以履行。但我觉得延长那些条约是不必要，也是不明智的。

我们应当经常警惕，建立适量的军队以保持可观的防御姿态，这样，在非常紧急时期中，我们才可以安全地依靠暂时性的同盟。

无论就政策而言，就人道而言，就利害而言，我们都应当跟一切国家保持和睦相处与自由来往。但是甚至我们的商业政策也应当采取平等和公平的立场，即不向他国要求特权或特惠，亦不给与他国以特权或特惠；一切要顺事物之自然而行；要用温和的手段扩展商业途径并作多种经营，绝不强求；与有此意向的国家订立有关交往的习用条例，俾使贸易有稳定的方向，我国商人的权利得以明确，政府对他们的扶助得以实现，这种条例应为现时情势和彼此意见所容许的最合理的条例，但也只是暂时的，得根据经验与情势随时予以废弃或改变：须时时谨记，一国向他国索求无私的恩惠是愚蠢的；要记住，为了得到这种性质的恩惠，它必须付出它的一部分独立为代价；要记住，接受此类恩惠，会使本身处于这样的境地：自己已为那微小的恩惠付出同等的代价，但仍被谴责为忘恩负义，认为付得不够。期待或指望国与国之间有真正的恩惠，实乃最严重的错误。这是一种幻想，而经验必可将其治愈，正直的自尊心必然会将其摈弃。

虽然在检讨本人任期内的施政时，我未发觉有故意的错误，但是我很明白我的缺点，并不以为我没有犯过很多错误。不管这些错误是什么，我恳切地祈求上帝免除或减轻这些错误所可能产生的恶果。而且我也将怀着一种希望，愿我的国家永远宽恕这些错误：我秉持正直的热忱，献身为国家服务，已经四十五年，希望我因为能力薄弱而犯的过失，会随着我不久以后长眠地下而湮没无闻。

我在这方面和在其他方面一样，均须仰赖祖国的仁慈。我热爱祖国，并受到爱国之情的激励。这种感情，对于一个视祖国为自己及历代祖先的故土的人来说，是很自然的。因此，我以欢欣的期待心情，指望在我切盼实现的退休之后，我将与我的同胞们愉快地分享自由政府下完善的法律的温暖——这是我一直衷心向往的目标，并且我相信，这也是我们相互关怀、共同努力和赴汤蹈火的优厚酬报。

——乔治·华盛顿  1796.09.17

选自：《美国文明读本》第十五篇，钱满素主编。

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FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:

The period for a newelection of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the UnitedStates, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when yourthoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed withthat important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce toa more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize youof the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the numberof those out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you at the sametime to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been takenwithout a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relationwhich binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing thetender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influencedby no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of gratefulrespect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that thestep is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, andcontinuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice calledme, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and toa deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that itwould have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which Iwas not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I hadbeen reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous tothe last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare itto you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of ouraffairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled tomy confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice, that thestate of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders thepursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety;and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, inthe present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove mydetermination to retire.

The impressions, withwhich I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the properoccasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, withgood intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of thegovernment the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable.Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications,experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, hasstrengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasingweight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is asnecessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstanceshave given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have theconsolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit thepolitical scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

In looking forward tothe moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, myfeelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt ofgratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it hasconferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it hassupported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting myinviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though inusefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country fromthese services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as aninstructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which thepassions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidstappearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, insituations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced thespirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop ofthe efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected.Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, asa strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you thechoicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection maybe perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, maybe sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may bestamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people ofthese States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by socareful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquireto them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, andadoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps I ought tostop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, andthe apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasionlike the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend toyour frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection,of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to thepermanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with themore freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of aparting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel.Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentimentson a former and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is thelove of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mineis necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of Government,which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; forit is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support ofyour tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of yourprosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easyto foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much painswill be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the convictionof this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against whichthe batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly andactively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinitemoment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your nationalUnion to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish acordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves tothink and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety andprosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety;discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in anyevent be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of everyattempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeblethe sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have everyinducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a commoncountry, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name ofamerican, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exaltthe just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from localdiscriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion,manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause foughtand triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the workof joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, andsuccesses.

But theseconsiderations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility,are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest.Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives forcarefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrainedintercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government,finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritimeand commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. TheSouth, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees itsagriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channelsthe seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and,while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the generalmass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of amaritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a likeintercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement ofinterior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuablevent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home.The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort,and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe thesecure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to theweight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of theUnion, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Anyother tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whetherderived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnaturalconnexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While, then, every partof our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, allthe parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and effortsgreater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security fromexternal danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreignnations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union anexemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequentlyafflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, whichtheir own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which oppositeforeign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter.Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown militaryestablishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious toliberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to RepublicanLiberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a mainprop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you thepreservation of the other.

These considerationsspeak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibitthe continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is therea doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Letexperience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case werecriminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole,with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, willafford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and fullexperiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting allparts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated itsimpracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism ofthose, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

In contemplating thecauses, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern,that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties byGeographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western;whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real differenceof local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquireinfluence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions andaims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against thejealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; theytend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together byfraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had auseful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by theExecutive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty withSpain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the UnitedStates, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among themof a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly totheir interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to theformation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, whichsecure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreignrelations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom torely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they wereprocured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such thereare, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?

To the efficacy andpermanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. Noalliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute;they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which allalliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, youhave improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution ofGovernment better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and forthe efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, theoffspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon fullinvestigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, inthe distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containingwithin itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to yourconfidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with itslaws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamentalmaxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of thepeople to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But theConstitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit andauthentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The veryidea of the power and the right of the people to establish Governmentpresupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.

All obstructions to theexecution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whateverplausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, orawe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, aredestructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve toorganize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, inthe place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a smallbut artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to thealternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration themirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather thanthe organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, andmodified by mutual interests.

However combinations orassociations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends,they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, bywhich cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert thepower of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government;destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjustdominion.

Towards thepreservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happystate, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregularoppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with carethe spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution,alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to underminewhat cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may beinvited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the truecharacter of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience isthe surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existingconstitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of merehypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless varietyof hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficientmanagement of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, agovernment of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security ofliberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, withpowers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed,little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand theenterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limitsprescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoymentof the rights of person and property.

I have alreadyintimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular referenceto the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a morecomprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the banefuleffects of the spirit of party, generally.

This spirit,unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongestpassions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments,more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popularform, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternatedomination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, naturalto party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated themost horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads atlength to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries,which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose inthe absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of someprevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turnsthis disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of PublicLiberty.

Without looking forwardto an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely outof sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party aresufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage andrestrain it.

It serves always todistract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. Itagitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindlesthe animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot andinsurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finda facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of partypassions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to thepolicy and will of another.

There is an opinion,that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of theGovernment, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certainlimits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotismmay look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But inthose of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spiritnot to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there willalways be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there beingconstant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion,to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniformvigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, itshould consume.

It is important,likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution,in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within theirrespective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers ofone department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends toconsolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whateverthe form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love ofpower, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, issufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity ofreciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing anddistributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardianof the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced byexperiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our owneyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in theopinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutionalpowers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in theway, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change byusurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good,it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. Theprecedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial ortransient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositionsand habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality areindispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism,who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmestprops of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with thepious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace alltheir connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked,Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense ofreligious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments ofinvestigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge thesupposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may beconceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure,reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality canprevail in exclusion of religious principle.

It is substantiallytrue, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. Therule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of freegovernment. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifferenceupon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?

Promote, then, as anobject of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion ofknowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to publicopinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

As a very importantsource of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method ofpreserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions ofexpense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements toprepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it;avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions ofexpense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts,which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing uponposterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of thesemaxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinionshould cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it isessential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment ofdebts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that notaxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant;that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the properobjects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisivemotive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it,and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, whichthe public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith andjustice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion andMorality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equallyenjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period,a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of apeople always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt,that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richlyrepay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence toit ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicityof a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by everysentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by itsvices ?

In the execution ofsuch a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathiesagainst particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should beexcluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards allshould be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitualhatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave toits animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead itastray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against anotherdisposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slightcauses of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental ortrifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate,envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment,sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations ofpolicy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, andadopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes theanimosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated bypride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often,sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

So likewise, apassionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils.Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginarycommon interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusinginto one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation inthe quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement orjustification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation ofprivileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation makingthe concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have beenretained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate,in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives toambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to thefavorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their owncountry, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with theappearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference forpublic opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolishcompliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

As avenues to foreigninfluence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming tothe truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do theyafford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, tomislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such anattachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms theformer to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidiouswiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) thejealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history andexperience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes ofRepublican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; elseit becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of adefence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessivedislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on oneside, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other.Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to becomesuspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause andconfidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule ofconduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercialrelations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So faras we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect goodfaith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set ofprimary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she mustbe engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentiallyforeign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicateourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, orthe ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached anddistant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If weremain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off,when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take suchan attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, tobe scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility ofmaking acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation;when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shallcounsel.

Why forego theadvantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreignground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe,entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship,interest, humor, or caprice?

It is our true policyto steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; sofar, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood ascapable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim noless applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always thebest policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in theirgenuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise toextend them.

Taking care always tokeep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture,we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberalintercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, andinterest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartialhand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consultingthe natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means thestreams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers sodisposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of ourmerchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules ofintercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion willpermit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, asexperience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that itis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that itmust pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept underthat character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the conditionof having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproachedwith ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than toexpect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion,which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, mycountrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hopethey will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they willcontrol the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from runningthe course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I mayeven flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, someoccasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of partyspirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against theimpostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for thesolicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in thedischarge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles whichhave been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct mustwitness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscienceis, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to thestill subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, isthe index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of yourRepresentatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure hascontinually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert mefrom it.

After deliberateexamination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was wellsatisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had aright to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position.Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it,with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations,which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on thisoccasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding ofthe matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the BelligerentPowers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding aneutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligationwhich justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is freeto act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards othernations.

The inducements ofinterest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your ownreflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavourto gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions,and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength andconsistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command ofits own fortunes.

50 Though, in reviewingthe incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I amnevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I mayhave committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech theAlmighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall alsocarry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them withindulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to itsservice with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will beconsigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

51 Relying on its kindnessin this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, whichis so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and hisprogenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectationthat retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweetenjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benigninfluence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of myheart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, anddangers.

George Washington

United States - September 17,1796

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